Canada-Australia Political Relations
As others have noted, each is a big Brother / Little Brother pairing, with many entertainment,sporting and other celebrities moving to the bigger country to find. Australian High Commission in Canada · Australian Consulate in Vancouver, Canada · Australian Consulate-General in Toronto, Canada. Australia values its long-standing close and productive relationship with Canada. Trade relations between our two countries date back over one hundred years.
The judicial branch is a series of independent courts that interpret the laws passed by the other two branches. Foreign Policy Canada's major foreign policy focus is its relationship with the US, which has complex economic, political and cultural dimensions. It deployed combat forces in Afghanistan from to and military trainers to support reconstruction and development until Canada, Australia and New Zealand have a history of working together in the United Nations UN on issues ranging from security to development to human rights, including through an informal grouping known as CANZ.
Canada, like Australia, is an active member of the Commonwealth. Canada worked closely with Australia during Australia's chairmanship to revitalise the organisation, including through the conclusion of the Charter of the Commonwealth and implementation of recommendations of the Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group.
The Relationship Between Canada and Australia
As export-oriented economies with strong interests in agriculture and resources, Australia and Canada have a common interest in a rules-based, open and non-discriminatory world trade system. When in force, the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement will significantly improve the trading environment, creating opportunities for both goods and services.
Canada and Australia have mutual interests in open markets which have seen us cooperation in a range of forums advocating freer trade, such as in APEC and in the Cairns Group in the WTO.
Australia and Canada, together with 10 other countries signed the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement on 4 February Member countries are now working to complete their respective domestic processes to enable the agreement to enter into force. Bilateral relations The Australia-Canada relationship is mature, highly productive and broadly based.
People to people contacts between our parliaments, government officials, private sectors, academics and communities are extensive and wide-ranging. We are both federal, large, geographically dispersed countries, with Westminster systems of government and a similar standard of living.
Diplomatic relations began formally in when, on the eve of the Second World War, Australia and Canada first agreed to exchange High Commissioners. They have cooperated on peacekeeping operations, including Canada's contribution of over troops to the Australian-led mission in Timor-Leste East Timor in Australia and Canada were among the first countries to join the global coalition against terrorism, and both countries committed military and development resources to stabilise and help rebuild Afghanistan and Iraq.
Australia and Canada work closely to counter potential global terrorist threats through technical cooperation, information-sharing, exchanges of personnel and joint training. Today, both countries face comparable public policy challenges in areas such as health, transport, indigenous issues, regional development, and managing the effects of the global economic crisis.
The next meeting will be held in Canada in At any time there are a number of public servants placed in Australian and Canadian ministries on exchange. A comprehensive range of bilateral agreements cover issues such as trade, social security, air services, wildfire management, crisis management and consular services abroad, co-location of our missions overseas, mutual assistance in criminal matters and avoidance of double taxation. Consular cooperation is important, with Canada and Australia providing consular services to each other's nationals in around 30 countries where the other is not represented.
The agreement establishes a formal framework for existing cooperation and identifies areas in which Australia and Canada might collaborate and cooperate closely. Development Cooperation Australia has a close and productive development partnership with Canada. The Partnership Arrangement reaffirms our commitment to work in a harmonised way when delivering programs together, and provides a renewed framework for dialogue and cooperation between the two Departments.
People to people links People to people links are strong and diverse despite geographic distance. A working holiday program allows young people to travel and work for set periods in each other's country. Tourism links are strong and growing. Of particular note, educational links continue to grow with Universities Australia's International links data identifying agreements between Australian universities and vocational providers and Canadian institutions covering student and apprentice exchanges, and academic and research collaboration.
Canadian student enrolments remained steady inwith 3, enrolments to date in educational institutions in Australia. The majority of Canadian students were enrolled in higher education programmes and were studying in the fields of medicine, health and the sciences. A number of Australian universities deliver Australian qualifications in Canada, including Charles Sturt University which has an in-market campus in Burlington, Ontario.
Economic Overview Like Australia, Canada has a low population density and a vast wealth of natural resources. Unlike his predecessor Meighen, an imperialist at heart who opposed the Anglo-Japanese Treaty only as a matter of necessity, King shared his mentor's determination to avoid all external entanglements that would weaken the bonds that held together French and English Canada.
Canada-Australia Political Relations
During his first years of office he asserted Canada's right to control its own foreign policy to better suit Canada's interests.
When it was decided to convene an imperial conference in the spring ofKing resolved to use the occasion to repudiate the whole notion of an imperial foreign policy. The prospect of challenging the British Empire during his first overseas assignment filled the self-effacing prime minister with dread. No sooner had Lord Curzon introduced the question of imperial foreign policy than the Canadian prime minister rose in his place to declare his government's intention to "pursue a foreign policy of its own.
Bruce rejected the idea that each part of the Empire might shape a foreign policy of its own.
In these detailed discussions, King and Bruce clashed once again. The Australian's repeated efforts to secure Canadian support for a resolution endorsing Britain's plans for the defence of Singapore and the Suez Canal were turned aside. By the end of the conference, King's victory was complete. In a final burst of activity, he amended the meeting's concluding resolution on foreign relations to reflect his conviction that imperial conferences were consultative not policy-making bodies.
King's success ended the experiment with a common foreign policy and signalled the emergence of the modern Commonwealth. It also added to the growing gulf separating Canada and Australia. King's attitude towards the Empire was incomprehensible to many Australian observers.
Casey, then serving as an Australian liaison officer in London, watched the Canadian prime minister with bewildered fascination: His efforts to make political capital out of his domestic nationalism are analogous to a vandal who pulls down a castle in order to build a cottage.
The failure to conclude a commercial treaty had not materially harmed bilateral trade. Indeed, the war provided a tremendous boost to the sale of Canadian forestry products, metal manufactures and auto parts in Australia. However, access to this market, which became more important as a postwar recession deprived Canada of its American sales, was threatened.
InAustralia introduced steep new tariffs on Canadian newsprint at the same time as it announced its readiness to conclude trade treaties with members of the British Empire.
In OctoberMackenzie King's minister of trade and commerce, James Robb, set out for Australia in renewed pursuit of a bilateral trade agreement. The Australians proved to be tough bargainers. As was the case during earlier rounds of negotiations, there was little incentive for them to conclude a reciprocal trade agreement.
Australian officials also resented Mackenzie King's reluctance to seek a broad imperial solution to the postwar slump in trade. In their view, any agreement with Canada would merely assist American subsidiaries operating in the dominion at the expense of companies from Britain.
For over two years, the discussions dragged on before Canadian negotiators were forced to give in to Australian demands in order to preserve the market for British Columbia 's forestry products. In exchange for receiving important concessions on canned salmon, auto parts and paper, Canada reduced its duties on Australian meat and butter and increased the margin of preference enjoyed by Australian dried fruit.
The agreement was soon the source of some controversy. It was strenuously opposed by Canadian farmers, who feared new competition from imported Australian meat and butter. Canada's conciliatory prime minister fretted about the accord which caused this noisy debate and condemned the minister responsible. Mackenzie King's liberal philosophy was offended by the prospect of raising Canadian tariffs on imports from third countries in order to give Australia an increased margin of preference for dried fruit.Moving From Canada to Australia- Welcome to my Channel!
Moreover, these provisions were aimed primarily at the United States just as trade between the two North American countries had begun to recover. The prime minister gave the accord only lukewarm support, and no sooner had the agreement been approved than he delighted in crippling one of its main provisions. An Australian program to promote the export of butter was found guilty on a technicality of violating Canada's anti-dumping legislation in early King rejected the Australian prime minister's repeated pleas for understanding and insisted on imposing punitive duties.
When, later in the decade, a slump in international trade began to pinch at Canadian exports to the United States, F. McDougall, a close advisor to the Australian prime minister, gleefully waited for depression "to drive Mackenzie King into a much more helpful attitude towards Empire economic cooperation. Within a year, depression had indeed arrived, and Canadian voters had dismissed Mackenzie King.
From the opposition benches, he watched the new, Conservative prime minister, R. Bennettembrace suggestions for an imperial trade bloc. Enthusiasm for imperial preferences surged through the Imperial Conference and, before the formal discussions had ended, Canada and Australia had agreed to seek a closer trading arrangement. Negotiations were speedy and painless.
On his way home from London, the Australian minister for markets and transport, Parker John Maloneystopped in Ottawa to explore the new agreement's main features. He and Bennett agreed that it would rest on two principles: In return, Canada extended to Australia the benefits of its own British preferential tariff and increased the margins of preference enjoyed by Australian raisins and currants. The agreement's impact on bilateral trade was dramatic but one-sided.
Between andCanadian exports to Australia almost tripled, and Canada's share of the Australian market jumped from 2. Not surprisingly, Canada opened a second trade commissioner's office in Australia in Australian trade did not fare nearly so well under the new agreement.
Some important Australian exports, including butter, meat and canned fruit, actually declined during this period. Australia pressed Ottawa to extend the agreement but met with little success. Australia's discontent with Canadian trade policy increased sharply when Mackenzie King was re-elected in The depression had strengthened Mackenzie King's traditional opposition to imperial preferences, and he was anxious to seek freer trade with the United States.
The Canada-United States trade agreementwhich diminished the value of Australia's preference on dried fruit, was hardly calculated to endear Canada to Australian policy-makers, whose devotion to imperial preferences remained undiminished. In the spring ofCanada paid the price for its poor reputation in Canberra when Australia unveiled its new "trade diversion policy". In an ill-fated effort to secure its markets in Britain and to balance its trade with the United States, Australia proposed drastically limiting its imports.
Worried that Canada might become an alternate source for restricted American products, Australia included Canada in its program. Neither the ravaging depression nor German or Japanese aggression in the late s could unite the two countries after years of division.
Canada suggested that the two countries exchange high commissioners in order to encourage a closer "exchange of views". These proposals were rejected as "inopportune". Australia was against exploring new forms of representation which would limit British control in the Empire, while Canada scoffed at such a Colonial view.
This was certainly not an unfair caricature of Canadian policy. Mackenzie King, aware of the strain that depression and the threat of war placed on national unity, studiously avoided international commitments. Canada's fate, he insisted, would be decided by Parliament alone. The Canadian attitude was unsettling and seemed to indicate that Canada no longer shared Australia's interest in co-operating with the British Commonwealth, a suspicion which seemed confirmed by the meagre results of the Imperial Conference.
On the eve of war, Mackenzie King stood fast against Australia and its prime minister's efforts to secure a final declaration of imperial solidarity. A united Canada hurried to join Australia at Britain's side. The war heralded a new era in Canadian-Australian relations and gave the partnership an increasingly important political character.
Canada - Australia Relations
This transformation began smoothly. In the first days of the war, Canada renewed its suggestion that the two countries exchange high commissioners and Australia readily approved of a step that now appeared to affirm imperial unity. A businessman and former minister of defence, Sir William Glasgowwas quickly sent to Ottawa to head the new mission.
At the same time, the Australian and Canadian high commissioners in London, Stanley Melbourne Bruce and Vincent Massey respectively, took the lead in organizing support for the British Commonwealth Air Training Plan, the centrepiece of Canada's early war effort. This gesture of Commonwealth solidarity, under which some 9, Australian airmen trained in Canada, did not go unappreciated. Burchell's optimism was premature. Japan's entry into the war in December created widespread fear in Australia that the country might be overrun.
Canada's apparent lack of interest in the Pacific War drew considerable criticism in the Australian press.
Misled by Burchell's inexperienced successor, Major-General Victor Odluminto believing that Canada was ready to assist Australia with men and munitions, the Australian Minister of External AffairsHerbert Evattsubmitted an anxious request for help.
Constrained by its war effort in Europe, Ottawa was unable to respond positively. Undeterred, the minister renewed his plea during a brief visit to Ottawa in April Again, despite some initially favourable indications, Canada could not meet the Australian request. Canadian assistance, when it was finally offered as part of Canada's multilateral Mutual Aid program in Maydid little to improve Australia's view of its Commonwealth colleague.
Ottawa insisted that Australia agree to reduce its tariffs and trade barriers at the end of the war before it would actually send any aid. Only after a good deal of bickering did the two countries manage to effect a compromise in early These bilateral tensions were partly moderated by the web of personal relationships that the war spawned between officials in the two governments. As a result, recalled one Canadian diplomat, "[t]here developed a collaboration in international organizations so habitual that it was taken for granted by the s.
Canada and Australia, however, differed on how to achieve this. For the Australian prime minister, John Curtinthe solution lay in transforming the Commonwealth into an institution that would rival the major powers in stature and influence. Canadian officials were suspicious of suggestions for closer Commonwealth consultation, which they feared might limit Canada's flexibility in dealing with the United States.
Mackenzie King took an even dimmer view of Curtin's ideas. Such notions, he fumed, were part of a "deliberate design The outspoken and combative foreign minister preferred to attack head-on the privileges enjoyed by the great powers.
While some Canadian officials quietly admired Evatt's determination to strengthen the U. As Cold War tensions reduced the likelihood that the great powers would achieve a sufficient level of cooperation to ensure the survival of the U. This difference in approach was so profound that Mackenzie King refused to meet Evatt to discuss their views on the great powers' efforts to secure a veto in the Security Council. Instead, he sent his heir apparent, the stately and dignified minister of justice, Louis St.
The meeting was unsuccessful. Laurent "a pawn in a move to defeat the Australian case" and dismissed him as "an American stooge. This partly reflected the disruptive influence of Evatt, who continued to irritate Canadian diplomats and politicians. His success at pressing Australia's claim to the "Commonwealth" seat on the U.
More significantly, this tension reflected very different security concerns. Australia, haunted by the spectre of a reconstructed Japan, was anxious to press ahead with a peace settlement that would remove this threat. At a conference in Canberra in September it sought the support of its Commonwealth partners to push the process ahead.
Ottawa, however, was dismayed by the Australian bid to re-fashion a Commonwealth bloc. Washington was almost certain to resent the Australian demarche, which seemed likely to jeopardize Anglo-American cooperation as the cold war erupted in Europe.
This sharp geographic difference in focus, which only increased in when Canada joined in the discussions that resulted in the North Atlantic Treaty Organizationdiminished the possibility of bilateral cooperation. Indeed, by the lates, relations were so strained that they became the object of gentle derision in Ottawa.
After a meeting with Princess Elizabeth and the infant Prince Charles, Lester Pearson confessed to his diary the "hope that relations The Cold War spilled beyond its European origins and emerged as a global phenomenon with a unique Asian dimension.
Once again, Australian and Canadian troops found themselves fighting together, this time in Korea under the auspices of the United Nations. However, good relations remained elusive. The defeat of Chifley's Labor government and the election of Robert Menzies ' conservative coalition threatened to make things worse.
Ottawa worried that the new government's aggressive anti-communism and its increasingly suspicious attitude towards Indonesia might inhibit the West's ability to secure cold war allies among Asia's newly independent states. Australia was equally critical of Canada's cautious approach to the desperate challenges facing Asia. Percy Spenderthe coalition's first minister of external affairs, held Canada partly responsible for the frustrating delays he encountered in establishing an aid program for South-east Asia.
Spender's "brutal and eccentric" tactics in pursuit of what eventually became the Colombo Plan were deeply resented in Ottawa. The tense international situation left little room for such disputes. Growing allied tension over the strategy to be pursued in response to Chinese intervention in the Korean War threatened the Anglo-American harmony upon which both Canada's and Australia's foreign policy was predicated.
A new Australian minister of external affairs, Richard Caseyset out to tackle this problem when he was appointed to his post in the spring of An experienced diplomat, who had served in both London and Washington, Casey possessed a clear conception of the role that Canada and Australia might play in the Anglo-American relationship.
He lost no time in making Pearson aware of his views: For the Australian foreign minister, whose country's isolated location prompted an enduring fear that its Anglo-American allies might become too focused on the Soviet threat in Europe, Pearson became an important source of information on developments in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization NATO.
A succession of crises in Asia provided a host of opportunities for bilateral cooperation. For instance, when Canada agreed to sit on the three international control commissions established in as part of an effort to contain conflict in Indo-China, contacts between Australian and Canadian representatives became "very close and continual.
The interest each minister exhibited in the other's country fostered the development of the relationship. By the mids, there was a flurry of new bilateral activity. Infor example, the two countries' departments of immigration, aware that each confronted similar problems in settling the wave of postwar European immigrants, established the first of many inter-governmental exchange programs. At the same time, stimulated by the postwar economic boom, officials began to dismantle those tax barriers that discouraged investors from seeking new investment opportunities in the other country.
By the end of the decade, Canadian direct investment in Australia had more than doubled. The quickening pace of bilateral relations attracted the attention of Pearson's cabinet colleagues.
InCanada's ubiquitous "minister of everything", C. Howe, visited Australia in his capacity as deputy prime minister. Howe's visit, which led to a agreement on nuclear cooperation, heralded a slow but steady stream of Canadian visitors that culminated in when John Diefenbaker became the first Canadian prime minister to visit Australia.
A good many of these visitors were struck by Australia's potential as a market for Canadian products. Canadian exports had remained stagnant for most of the s, constrained by the import restrictions that Australia imposed to protect sterling's weak foreign exchange position. This hiatus gave the booming Australian economy an opportunity to redress its perpetual trade deficit with Canada and exports to Canada doubled during the decade.
After two years of discussions, which were complicated by Canadian efforts to protect its dairy and agricultural industries, a new trade agreement with most of the substantive provisions found in its predecessor, came into effect in June When combined with Australia's decision to lift the last of its import restrictions, its effect on trade was dramatic. With Commercial relations growing progressively closer, the two countries' political objectives began to diverge.
In part, this was caused by the changing importance the postwar Commonwealth played in each country's foreign policy. The Australian prime minister seemed especially unhappy with the modern Commonwealth. The accession of large numbers of Asian and African countries had destroyed the comfortable club of the inter-war period. In Menzies' view, the Commonwealth had been "modernized out of existence" and transformed into something that "no longer expresses unity but exists chiefly to ventilate differences.
It promised the more established country a forum in which to exercise its influence and offered access to new perspectives on international developments. There was never any question that Ottawa would risk its standing in this new Commonwealth by trying to ease Australia's growing isolation. Byfor instance, Canada was prepared to help force South Africa out of the Commonwealth despite clear indications that such action would strain its relations with Australia.
Similarly, Ottawa rejected Menzies' efforts in the spring of to foster closer bilateral relations lest other members of the Commonwealth, particularly India and Pakistanfeel excluded. The s developed another uncomfortable factor in relations between the two countries — the war in Vietnam. Australia had come to depend on the United States in the South Pacific for its own security as it was the foremost Western power in the pacific.
Australia increasingly shared Washington's desire to curb communism in Asia, and slowly found itself dragged into the quagmire of south-east Asia. Bythe few advisers Australia had sent to South Vietnam had basically become a full combat division. Australia's growing attachment to Washington's Asia policy proved to reduce Canberra's capacity and inclination to function as a middle power under the weight of America.
Because of this, Canadian officials designated Australia with less importance. Moreover, Asia began to emerge as an active source of continuing bilateral tension.
Canada had always been sceptical of applying the European doctrine of containment of to Asia. By the mids, Canadian scepticism had changed to opposition as the strategy failed and conflict flared in Vietnam. The Canadian secretary of state for external affairs, Paul Martin, was soon embroiled in the search for an end to the war in Vietnam.
His efforts, which included an ill-fated initiative to bring Peking's influence to bear on the U. Australians wondered why their former ally was no longer fighting beside them in defence of freedom. Sadly, recorded the Canadian high commissioner inthe war in Vietnam had come to "impose an emotional barrier between us. Trudeau had long been an opponent of Canadian foreign policy and the amount of attention Canada lavished on the United States and Western Europe.
He sought to extend Canadian diplomacy beyond its traditional range.