Gandhi-Jinnah talks of - General Knowledge Today
Perfect prep for Mohandas Gandhi quizzes and tests you might have in The voluntary refusal of sexual relations by Hindu men . Muhammed Ali Jinnah. =VIII= [Ranade showed none of the heedless egotism of Gandhi and Jinnah] =IX = [Ranade's . My connection with Ranade is of the thinnest. I had not even . For, it then becomes a question of tests, and different people have different tests. Unlike Gandhi's practices of civil disobedience, the lawyer Jinnah (who was . Nevertheless, it was Jinnah's dynamic personality that sustained the country.
The differences between the two groups were not lost on Britain, and the eventual defeat of Germany and Japan set the scene for the drama that resulted in the partition of British India and the independence of Pakistan.
The new postwar Labour Party government of Clement Attleesucceeding the Conservative Winston Churchill government, was determined to terminate its authority in India. A cabinet mission led by William Pethick-Lawrence was sent in to discuss and possibly arrange the mechanisms for the transfer of power to indigenous hands. Throughout the deliberations the British had to contend with two prominent players: Gandhi and the Congress and Jinnah and the Muslim League.
Birth of the new state Like India, Pakistan achieved independence as a dominion within the Commonwealth in August Further complicating the work of the new Pakistani government was the realization that the wealth and resources of British India had been granted to India.
Pakistan had little but raw enthusiasm to sustain it, especially during those months immediately following partition. Of all the well-organized provinces of British India, only the comparatively backward areas of SindBalochistanand the North-West Frontier Province came to Pakistan intact. The otherwise more developed provinces of Punjab and Bengal were divided, and, in the case of Bengal, Pakistan received little more than the densely populated rural hinterland.
- Reminiscences of Mahatma Gandhi
- Muhammad Ali Jinnah
Stock footage courtesy The WPA Film Library Adding to the dilemma of the new and untested Pakistan government was the crisis in Kashmirwhich provoked a war between the two neighbouring states in the period immediately following their independence.
Both Pakistan and India intended to make Kashmir a component of their respective unions, and the former princely state quickly became disputed territory—with India and Pakistan controlling portions of it—and a flash point for future conflicts. Moreover, the character of the partition and its aftermath had caused the flight of millions of refugees on both sides of the divide, accompanied by terrible massacres.
Gandhi-Jinnah talks of 1944
The exodus of such a vast number of desperate people in each direction required an urgent response, which neither country was prepared to manage, least of all Pakistan.
As a consequence of the unresolved war in Kashmir and the communal bloodletting in the streets of both countries, India and Pakistan each came to see the other as its mortal enemy.
In fact, there would be none. New Delhi displayed no intention of dividing the assets of British India with its major adversary, thereby establishing a balance between the two countries. Full power remained in the hands of the Viceroy, however, who could dissolve legislatures and rule by decree. The League reluctantly accepted the scheme, though expressing reservations about the weak parliament.
The Congress was much better prepared for the provincial elections inand the League failed to win a majority even of the Muslim seats in any of the provinces where members of that faith held a majority. It did win a majority of the Muslim seats in Delhibut could not form a government anywhere, though it was part of the ruling coalition in Bengal.
It was brought home to them, like a bolt of lightning, that even if the Congress did not win a single Muslim seat He secured the right to speak for the Muslim-led Bengali and Punjabi provincial governments in the central government in New Delhi "the centre". He restructured the League along the lines of the Congress, putting most power in a Working Committee, which he appointed. Choudhary Rahmat Ali published a pamphlet in advocating a state "Pakistan" in the Indus Valleywith other names given to Muslim-majority areas elsewhere in India.
The failure of the Congress leadership to disavow Hindu communalists worried Congress-supporting Muslims. Nevertheless, the Congress enjoyed considerable Muslim support up to about The Muslim League's claims that it alone could safeguard Muslim interests thus received a major boost. Significantly it was only after this period of Congress rule that it [the League] took up the demand for a Pakistan state Ahmed suggests that Jinnah abandoned hope of reconciliation with the Congress as he "rediscover[ed] his own Islamic roots, his own sense of identity, of culture and history, which would come increasingly to the fore in the final years of his life".
Muslims should strengthen Jinnah's hands. They should join the Muslim League. Indian question, as is now being solved, can be countered by our united front against both the Hindus and the English. Without it, our demands are not going to be accepted.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah - Wikipedia
People say our demands smack of communalism. This is sheer propaganda. These demands relate to the defense of our national existence The united front can be formed under the leadership of the Muslim League. And the Muslim League can succeed only on account of Jinnah.
'Nehru was as much to blame as Jinnah for Partition'
Now none but Jinnah is capable of leading the Muslims. Muhammad Iqbal The well documented influence of Iqbal on Jinnah, with regard to taking the lead in creating Pakistan, has been described as "significant", "powerful" and even "unquestionable" by scholars.
According to Akbar S. Ahmedthis began to change during Iqbal's final years prior to his death in Iqbal gradually succeeded in converting Jinnah over to his view, who eventually accepted Iqbal as his "mentor". Ahmed comments that in his annotations to Iqbal's letters, Jinnah expressed solidarity with Iqbal's view: Jinnah not only began to echo Iqbal in his speeches, he started using Islamic symbolism and began directing his addresses to the underprivileged.
Ahmed noted a change in Jinnah's words: Ahmed further avers that those scholars who have painted the later Jinnah as secular have misread his speeches which, he argues, must be read in the context of Islamic history and culture.
Accordingly, Jinnah's imagery of the Pakistan began to become clear that it was to have an Islamic nature. This change has been seen to last for the rest of Jinnah's life.
He continued to borrow ideas "directly from Iqbal—including his thoughts on Muslim unity, on Islamic ideals of liberty, justice and equality, on economics, and even on practices such as prayers". Jinnah stated, "If I live to see the ideal of a Muslim state being achieved in India, and I was then offered to make a choice between the works of Iqbal and the rulership of the Muslim state, I would prefer the former.
Lahore Resolution The leaders of the Muslim League, Jinnah is seated at centre. There were widespread protests in India. After meeting with Jinnah and with Gandhi, Linlithgow announced that negotiations on self-government were suspended for the duration of the war. Jinnah, on the other hand, was more willing to accommodate the British, and they in turn increasingly recognised him and the League as the representatives of India's Muslims.
I was treated on the same basis as Mr Gandhi. I was wonderstruck why I was promoted and given a place side by side with Mr Gandhi. To come up with such a position, the League's Working Committee met for four days in February to set out terms of reference to a constitutional sub-committee. The Working Committee asked that the sub-committee return with a proposal that would result in "independent dominions in direct relationship with Great Britain" where Muslims were dominant. The Lahore Resolution sometimes called the "Pakistan Resolution", although it does not contain that namebased on the sub-committee's work, embraced the Two-Nation Theory and called for a union of the Muslim-majority provinces in the northwest of British India, with complete autonomy.
Similar rights were to be granted to the Muslim-majority areas in the east, and unspecified protections given to Muslim minorities in other provinces. And plenty to blame Nehru for too. You seemed to have found Jinnah a troubling, polarising, egotistic character, known for his vindictiveness and his negligence of the human cost.
That leads to the most important question those of us in India have: Who would you apportion the blame, chiefly, for the perilous path the subcontinent took in ? It would be hard to assign a number or figure, percentage wise. I thought Nehru and the Congress leaders were equally to blame. Actually, I feel, and I hope it comes across, that I had a bit more sympathy for Jinnah then most Indian accounts of Partition generally have. On the occasion of becoming prime minister of the new Union of India, Nehru asked members of the Constituent Assembly to take a pledge of loyalty to the new nation.
But in terms of who is responsible for the mistakes -- and ruining the chance of political compromise -- I think, in that case Nehru was at least as much to blame as Jinnah. Jinnah was arguing the case like the lawyer he was. Nehru had multiple chances to make compromises, that would have preserved a united India, and he chose not to. He may have been more charming personally. Personally, he might have been the person you wanted to have dinner with!
He was a flighty, impractical, emotional politician, who was operating at some level of high principle, that was not very pragmatic. I think Jinnah had very good reasons not to trust Nehru and the Congress and that is Nehru's fault. Refugees from West Punjab at the Wavell Canteen in Delhi taking their meals before leaving for various refugee camps, September Photo Division, Government of India Nevertheless, do you think that Jinnah was aware that his politics was akin to riding a tiger, which he would eventually not be able to get off?
I am not sure any of them were. They were all doing it. Gandhi and Nehru, as well. There was as much vicious anti-Muslim behaviour going on, as the opposite. And these people were followers of the Congress. Gandhi didn't realise it. There was for instance that scene of Noakhali the riots in October-Novemberin Chittagong district in un-partitioned Bengal in which 5, Hindus were killed in the book. Gandhi did not understand that some of the things he was saying there were inciting Hindus to go kill Muslims.
Exactly, in Bihar riots broke out in Chhapra and Saran districts in late Octoberas a reprisal for the Noakhali riots, killing anywhere upwards of 5, Muslims; the death toll figures varied widely. At the very, very top level, all these people -- Nehru, Jinnah and Gandhi -- were so distant from their followers. They were in Delhi. They were just in drawing rooms, with each other, negotiating and they were so used to the kind of rhetoric you would use in a courtroom.
The things they would say, the things they would write in the press. I don't think they quite realised the impact those words would have at the ground level. In that case, I would hold all of them guilty. So they were all guilty of riding that tiger? They all didn't understand that the negotiations they were doing -- the kind of brinksmanship, the hard line positions they were taking, all part of negotiations -- were happening against the backdrop of these increasing tensions all around the country.
They were too focused on what was happening in their little room and didn't understand this was having an impact elsewhere. You describe that Nehru admitted, when discussing the Partition of Punjab, for instance, that they had not gone into any great detail about how it would actually happen. So Nehru's wrong doing was not just alienating his rival Jinnah but also not understanding the nitty-gritty of how Partition would unfold?
They were all, perhaps, guilty of being vague about the details? About the ground realities? None of them were administrators. None of them had ever held executive positions. They were all trained as lawyers and had become politicians. So if you asked Nehru: Or about the police force, the administration.
All stuff that the British had handled till that point They again didn't understand the reality of the impact of the things they were doing.
So in your view, would you equally apportion the blame? You wouldn't say perhaps Jinnah was more to blame? And also do you think if the Congress knew about Jinnah's poor health, the formation of Pakistan could have been avoided?
Pakistan - The Muslim League and Mohammed Ali Jinnah | serii.info
This has come up all the time. His illness Jinnah was suffering from tuberculosis since the s. He wasn't hiding anything. He had been a sick man for many years. And in he wasn't any more sick than any other time. He didn't get really sick until But he had tuberculosis?
He had had it for years.