India–United States relations - Wikipedia
India–United States relations (or Indo-American relations) refers to the international relations . American officials perceived India's policy of non- alignment negatively. .. Unrealistic expectations after the conclusion of the U.S.–India Civil .. H.W. Brands, Inside the Cold War () p –05, quote p ; ^ Brands. fraternal, the U.S.-India relationship routinely evokes grandiloquence about " natural allies," And with expectations raised by the recently-codified U.S.-India nuclear . escaping the international perception that Delhi has lost the political will to pursue .. Quotations in James Lamont, "Throne behind the power,". Financial. Phone: / Fax: / E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://iac. serii.info Indo-U.S. Military Relationship: Expectations and Perceptions ix.
India tried to act as a broker to help end that war, and served as a conduit for diplomatic messages between the US and China. Meanwhile, poor harvests forced India to ask for American aid for its food security, which was given starting in The Soviet Union provided about half as much in monetary terms, however made much larger contributions in kind, taking the form of infrastructural aid, soft loans, technical knowledge transfer, economic planning and skills involved in the areas of steel millsmachine buildinghydro-electric power and other heavy industries especially nuclear energy and space research.
Eisenhower at Parliament House, before the President's address to a joint session of Parliament, InDwight D. Eisenhower was the first US President to visit India to strengthen the staggering ties between the two nations.
He was so supportive that the New York Times remarked, "It did not seem to matter much whether Nehru had actually requested or been given a guarantee that the US would help India to meet further Chinese Communist aggression. What mattered was the obvious strengthening of Indian—American friendship to a point where no such guarantee was necessary.
Kennedy, Vice-President Lyndon B. Kennedy 's Presidency —63India was considered a strategic partner and counterweight to the rise of Communist China. Kennedy said, Chinese Communists have been moving ahead the last 10 years. India has been making some progress, but if India does not succeed with her million people, if she can't make freedom work, then people around the world are going to determine, particularly in the underdeveloped world, that the only way they can develop their resources is through the Communist system.
The Kennedy administration openly supported India during the Sino-Indian war and considered the Chinese action as "blatant Chinese Communist aggression against India". Defense Secretary Robert McNamara and General Maxwell Taylor advised the president to use nuclear weapons should the Americans intervene in such a situation.
Kennedy insisted that Washington defend India as it would any ally, saying, "We should defend India, and therefore we will defend India.
As an economist, he also presided over the at the time largest US foreign aid program to any country. Following the assassination of Kennedy inIndo-US relations deteriorated gradually. While Kennedy's successor Lyndon Johnson sought to maintain relations with India to counter Communist China,  he also sought to strengthen ties with Pakistan with the hopes of easing tensions with China and weakening India's growing military buildup as well. Richard Nixon shifted away from the neutral stance which his predecessors had taken towards Indo-Pakistani hostilities.
He established a very close relationship with Pakistan, aiding it militarily and economically, as India, now under the leadership of Indira Gandhiwas seen as leaning towards the Soviet Union.
He considered Pakistan as a very important ally to counter Soviet influence in the Indian subcontinent and establish ties with China, with whom Pakistan was very close. Later inIndia conducted its first nuclear test, Smiling Buddhawhich was opposed by the US, however it also concluded that the test did not violate any agreement and proceeded with a June shipment of enriched uranium for the Tarapur reactor.
In the late s, with the anti-Soviet Janata Party leader Morarji Desai becoming the Prime Minister, India improved its relations with the US, now led by Jimmy Carterdespite the latter signing an order in barring nuclear material from being exported to India due to India's non-proliferation record.
The Reagan Administration provided limited assistance to India. India sounded out Washington on the purchase of a range of US defence technology, including F-5 aircraft, super computers, night vision goggles and radars.
In Washington approved the supply of selected technology to India including gas turbines for naval frigates and engines for prototypes for India's light combat aircraft. There were also unpublicised transfers of technology, including the engagement of a US company, Continental Electronics, to design and build a new VLF communications station at Tirunelveli in Tamil Nadu, which was commissioned in the late s.
The United States strongly condemned this testing, promised sanctions, and voted in favour of a United Nations Security Council Resolution condemning the tests. President Bill Clinton imposed economic sanctions on India, including cutting off all military and economic aid, freezing loans by American banks to state-owned Indian companies, prohibiting loans to the Indian government for all except food purchases, prohibiting American aerospace technology and uranium exports to India, and requiring the US to oppose all loan requests by India to international lending agencies.
Only Japan joined the US in imposing direct sanctions, while most other nations continued to trade with India. The sanctions were soon lifted. Afterward, the Clinton administration and Prime Minister Vajpayee exchanged representatives to help rebuild relations. India emerged in the 21st century as increasingly vital to core US foreign policy interests. India, a dominant actor in its region, and the home of more than one billion citizens, is now often characterised as a nascent Great Power and an "indispensable partner" of the US, one that many analysts view as a potential counterweight to the growing clout of China.
In MarchU. Bush collaborated closely with India in controlling and policing the strategically critical Indian Ocean sea lanes from the Suez Canal to Singapore. Bush administrationrelations between India and the United States were seen to have blossomed, primarily over common concerns regarding growing Islamic extremismenergy security, and climate change. Bush commented, "India is a great example of democracy.
It is very devout, has diverse religious heads, but everyone is comfortable about their religion. The world needs India". Bush as "being the most pro-Indian president in American history.
According to Laskarthe UPA rule has seen a "transformation in bilateral ties with the US", as a result of which the relations now covers "a wide range of issues, including high technology, space, education, agriculture, trade, clean energy, counter-terrorism, etc".
SinceWashington and New Delhi have been pursuing a "strategic partnership" that is based on shared values and generally convergent geopolitical interests. Numerous economic, security, and global initiatives — including plans for civilian nuclear cooperation — are underway. This latter initiative, first launched inreversed three decades of American non-proliferation policy.
India-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress - serii.info
Also inthe United States and India signed a ten-year defence framework agreement, with the goal of expanding bilateral security cooperation. The two countries engaged in numerous and unprecedented combined military exercises, and major US arms sales to India were concluded.
According to Michael Kugelman, South and Southeast Asia expert at the Woodrow Wilson International Center, the US was unprepared to meet new challenges in India because of its "inability to keep pace with the transformations. He also said that both countries are strengthening the relations between their defence and research organisations.
A top Trump Administration official recently noted Pakistan's "failure to curb support to anti-India militants" and made note of "New Delhi's growing intolerance of this policy. Scores of protesters were killed and many others maimed by police using controversial "non-lethal" pellet ammunition. A new spike in street protests came in May with the killing of another well-known militant commander and childhood friend of Wani's. In AprilU. Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley told reporters that the Trump Administration would seek to "find its place to be a part of" efforts to de-escalate India-Pakistan tensions, suggesting that the United States might alter its policy of not engaging in the bilateral dispute.
While Pakistan welcomed the statement, India quickly rejected any notion of third-party mediation of what New Delhi insists is a strictly bilateral dispute. Indian leaders say they envisage a peaceful Afghanistan that can serve as a hub for regional trade and energy flows.
Geography dictates that Afghanistan serve as India's trade and transit gateway to Central Asia, but Pakistan blocks a direct route, so India has sought to develop Iran's Chabahar Port on the Arabian Sea as a means of bypassing Pakistan see Iran discussion below.
By many accounts, India and Pakistan are vigorously jockeying for influence in Afghanistan, and high-visibility Indian targets have come under attack there, allegedly from Pakistan-based and possibly -supported militants. Indian leaders remain deeply skeptical of an apparent U. A brief, but bloody India-China War left in place what is among the world's longest disputed international borders, with Beijing today formally claiming the entirety of India's Arunachal Pradesh state as its territory, calling it "South Tibet.
India-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress
India formally objects to the BRI and refrains from any participation due to complaints that the transit lines run across territory claimed by India.
By some accounts, China has shifted from establishing a presence in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region to seeking preeminence there, as manifested in the BRI, thus sharpening India-China competition. One entails Beijing's status as the sole member of the UN Security Council refusing to allow the United Nations to designate Pakistani national Masood Azhar, leader of the anti-Indian terrorist group Jaish-e-Mohammed, as a "global terrorist" China claims there is insufficient evidence to do so.
Another grows from China's role as the most influential state to oppose India's accession to the Nuclear Suppliers Group, which many Indian analysts view as another of China's numerous efforts to prevent India from increasing its global influence and prestige.
Greater Chinese investment capital, technology, and management skills is welcomed by many in India, and China has pledged to invest hundreds of billions of yuan in India over the next five years. New Delhi officials regularly state a desire to maintain non-adversarial, if not friendly relations with Beijing. Today, leaders from both countries acknowledge numerous common values and interests as they engage in a "strategic and global partnership" formally launched in A bilateral free trade agreement was finalized in New Delhi fully cooperated with U.
Current uncertainty about U. The visit produced a Joint Statement reviewing "important steps" taken over the preceding year and identifying priorities for the next, including expanding collaboration under the Defense Technology and Trade Initiative DTTIsupporting New Delhi's "Make in India" efforts to boost indigenous manufacturing, and new opportunities to deepen cooperation in maritime security and maritime domain awareness, among others.
While DTTI engagement remains robust at the middle levels, the absence of senior-level confirmed appointees in several leadership positions in the U. Defense Policy Group—moribund after India's nuclear tests and ensuing U. Inthe United States and India signed a ten-year defense pact outlining planned collaboration in multilateral operations, expanded two-way defense trade, increased opportunities for technology transfers and co-production, and expanded collaboration related to missile defense.
Inthe pact was both enhanced and renewed for another ten-year period. S defense engagement with India has developed despite a concurrent U. However, other observers call attention to what they view as significant and ongoing limitations on India's ability to fully embrace this role.
This contributed to New Delhi's years-long political resistance to signing three "foundational" defense cooperation accords with the United States more recently called "facilitating" agreements by U. Map of the Indian Ocean Region Source: Combined Military Exercises Sincethe United States and India have held a series of increasingly complex combined bilateral exercises involving all military services. Such engagement has been a key aspect of U. Navy-to-navy collaboration—with annual, large-scale, and now multilateral "Malabar" joint exercises—appears to be the most robust in terms of exercises and personnel exchanges.
Operational readiness focuses on humanitarian relief and disaster assistance in the IOR. The iteration saw Japanese naval units rejoin the exercise after an eight-year hiatus, establishing a more formal trilateral effort; Malabar exercises saw phases in both the East China and Philippine Seas, near contested South China Sea waters. With renewed talk of a "maritime quadrilateral" that would incorporate Australian naval forces, Chinese analysts have taken an even more acute interest in the development, and the Beijing government has made its displeasure known.
Pentagon officials typically praise Indian performance in such engagements.
Under the Obama Administration, the United States sought to help India modernize its defense capabilities and technologies so that New Delhi could "carry out its expanding global role. The New Delhi government has for a decade been in the market for a fleet of new fighter aircraft to replace the country's aging fleet of Soviet-era MiGs.
After reviewing bids from several suppliers, in the government settled on the French-made Dassault Rafale, but the deal fell through due to pricing disputes. Inthe program was officially re-launched, with Maryland-based Lockheed Martin's F and Sweden's Saab Gripen as leading candidates.
In this iteration, New Delhi is insisting that the winning bidder must build the aircraft in India. This condition may not be welcomed by Trump Administration officials guided by efforts to preserve American jobs, but numerous boosters of closer U.
Senator John Cornyn and Senator Mark Warner, co-chairs of the Senate India Caucus, penned a March letter to Secretary of Defense Mattis urging him to approve an F production line in India, as well as approve the export of nonlethal maritime reconnaissance drones.
Under the rubric of "Make in India," priority will be given to indigenously designed, developed, and manufactured hardware. Former Secretary Carter—who led the U. Homeland security cooperation has included growing engagement between respective law enforcement agencies, especially in the areas of mutual legal assistance and extradition, and on cyberterrorism. Terrorist groups operating from Pakistani territory are of special interest, with Washington and New Delhi pursuing "joint and concerted efforts to disrupt" those entities.
Bilateral law enforcement cooperation has come through the India-U. Homeland Security Dialogue, an engagement deferred several times in Washington has tended to want more cooperation from India and is willing to give more in return, while it appears that officials in New Delhi remain hesitant and their aspirations are more modest.
Indian wariness is likely to some degree rooted in lingering distrust of U. Structural impediments to future cooperation also exist, according to observers in both countries. Perhaps leading among these is that India's state governments are the primary domestic security actors, and there is no significantly resourced and capable national-level body with which the U.
Nuclear Weapons Proliferation and Multilateral Export Controls 98 India conducted what it termed a "peaceful" nuclear explosive device in ; New Delhi tested such devices again in According to public estimates, the country appears to have been increasing its nuclear arsenal, which currently consists of approximately warheads, and continues to produce weapons-grade plutonium.
It includes air, sea, and land-based platforms, with India having completed this triad with successful submarine launches in late New Delhi has stated that it will not engage in a nuclear arms race and needs only a "credible minimum deterrent," but India has never defined precisely what this language means.India - USA Relations - क्या USA की तरफ झुकाव भारत की एक बड़ी भूल हैं? - Current Affairs 2018
According to an Indian official, "India attaches the highest priority to global, non-discriminatory, verifiable nuclear disarmament and the complete elimination of nuclear weapons in a time-bound manner. For example, a working paper to the Conference on Disarmament CD called for the "[n]egotiation of a Nuclear Weapons Convention prohibiting the development, production, stockpiling and use of nuclear weapons and on their destruction, leading to the global, non-discriminatory and verifiable elimination of nuclear weapons with a specified timeframe.
Some observers see a "slow-moving" nuclear arms race between India and Pakistan. Islamabad is expanding its nuclear arsenal, which probably consists of approximately nuclear warheads, according to one estimate. For example, the two governments agreed in to establish a "dedicated and secure hotline" between the two Foreign Secretaries "to prevent misunderstandings and reduce risks relevant to nuclear issues.
According to a November 8,White House fact sheet, the United States "intends to support India's full membership" in the NSG, as well as the Missile Technology Control regime MTCRthe Australia Group, and the Wassenaar Arrangement "in a phased manner and to consult with regime members to encourage the evolution of regime membership criteria, consistent with maintaining the core principles of these regimes.
The United States has continued to express support for India's membership in the other three export control regimes. New Delhi appears not to meet the group's membership criteria. Trade with India, Source: CRS, based on data from the U.
Trade balance is for U.
The United States has viewed India—one of the world's fastest-growing economies and its third-largest on a purchasing power parity PPP basis—as an important strategic partner in advancing common interests regionally and globally.
India ranked as the 9th largest source of U. It is also a top U. Many observers contend there would be potential for greater bilateral trade between the United States and India if India's extensive trade and investment barriers were lessened.
India has made strides in trade liberalization since it began adopting market-oriented reforms in the s. These initiatives may support new foreign investment opportunities.
Nevertheless, protectionist policies persist in India. Some observers have attributed this to India's poverty challenges, concerns about the international competitiveness of its manufacturing and agriculture sectors, and regional economic competition with China, with which India has a large merchandise trade deficit.
Some stakeholders see dialogues themselves as progress in a trade relationship that can sometimes be fractious, while others are keen to see dialogues yield more tangible outcomes.